Khthon documents mass graves, atrocity crimes, and forensic evidence from conflict zones worldwide. Our work is strictly humanitarian and apolitical.
This site may contain imagery and descriptions of deceased individuals, violent injuries, and human remains gathered in the course of active investigations. Content is presented for accountability and documentation purposes only.
Khthon documents mass graves, atrocity crimes, and forensic evidence from conflict zones worldwide. Our work is strictly humanitarian and apolitical.
This site may contain imagery and descriptions of deceased individuals, violent injuries, and human remains gathered in the course of active investigations.
Khthon · Case File
The Democratic Republic of the Congo is home to one of the densest and most complex landscapes of mass graves in the world — a reflection of decades of war, authoritarian rule, and overlapping foreign interventions spanning the Mobutu era through the ongoing M23 conflict in the east.
Country / Region Overview
The Democratic Republic of the Congo has endured one of the world's longest-running and most severe humanitarian crises, with roots stretching back to the colonial era. Decades of conflict, exploitation, and instability have claimed millions of lives and displaced tens of millions more.
Estimates suggest over 6 million excess deaths linked to conflict, disease, and famine since the late 1990s — the Second Congo War and its aftermath. Millions remain internally displaced, with eastern fighting driving repeated waves of refugees into overcrowded camps. The key drivers are rampant corruption, weak governance, human rights abuses, resource conflicts, foreign interference, famine, and recurrent disease outbreaks.
President Félix Tshisekedi, elected in 2019 amid allegations of electoral irregularities, campaigned on anti-corruption and economic reform. Progress has been limited. Despite official unemployment figures around 4–5%, extreme poverty affects roughly three-quarters of the population — over 110 million people living on less than $2.15/day. Aid intended for humanitarian relief is frequently diverted or stolen, exacerbating suffering.
"For Khthon, the DRC represents both scale and opacity — suspected sites often lie under dense canopy, requiring SOCMINT and HUMINT to cue satellite analysis before machine-cut geometry becomes visible."
— Khthon Field Assessment
The DRC holds the world's largest cobalt reserves and is a major producer of copper and other minerals critical for electric vehicles and electronics. This wealth has fueled exploitation rather than development: child labour and hazardous conditions are widespread in artisanal mines, workers face toxic cobalt dust exposure, and militias and military elements frequently control or tax mining sites, perpetuating cycles of violence. Foreign companies — including Chinese firms dominating industrial mining and others like Glencore — have faced bribery scandals and fines.
The DRC also faces near-constant disease epidemics: measles, cholera, and mpox circulate widely every year, while multiple Ebola outbreaks since 2018 have included a new Bundibugyo strain confirmed in 2026 affecting the DRC and Uganda. Vast rainforest terrain covering over 60% of the country, poor infrastructure, and fewer than 10,000 doctors nationwide make containment exceptionally difficult.
Armed Group Profile
Founded
2012 (from CNDP mutiny)
Named For
23 March 2009 peace agreement
Composition
Primarily ethnic Tutsi fighters
External Backing
Rwanda (documented, denied)
The March 23 Movement derives its name from the March 23, 2009 peace agreement between the Congolese government and the National Congress for the Defense of the People (CNDP). Many CNDP fighters were integrated into the Congolese national army (FARDC). Dissatisfaction over the agreement's implementation led to a mutiny in 2012, from which M23 emerged.
M23 claims to defend the interests of the Tutsi minority in eastern DRC and to address broader grievances against the Congolese government, including discrimination, security failures, and unfulfilled peace commitments. The group has been widely documented receiving military support from Rwanda — including troop deployments and logistical aid far beyond any self-defense rationale — though both M23 and Rwanda deny direct involvement. M23 has been accused by the UN, Human Rights Watch, and others of serious human rights abuses, including killings, rapes, mass graves in areas like Kishishe, and recruitment of children.
Rwanda's involvement traces back to the 1994 genocide and its aftermath. The presence of ex-FAR/Interahamwe (FDLR) remnants in eastern Congo has provided a security pretext, but UN Group of Experts reports have found Rwanda providing direct support far beyond self-defence. This has fueled proxy dynamics: Rwanda denies interference while DRC accuses it of occupation-by-proxy — a regional calculus that severely complicates international accountability.
Key Leadership
Why Khthon is Different
01 · SATINT
Canopy-Penetrating Analysis
Straight-line cuts near military posts or mining concessions suggest machine-dug pits visible through canopy gaps. Unlike conventional conflict zones, DRC burial signatures are shallow, irregular, and hidden within cultivated plots or forest clearings — requiring SOCMINT to cue precise satellite search areas before earthwork signatures become detectable. Khthon applies time-series analysis to detect when new trenches are cut and expanded, building a temporal record that survives ground access restrictions.
02 · SOCMINT / HUMINT
Testimony Integration
Survivor testimony, local burial records, and accounts from community leaders are integrated into searchable datasets. Transfer routes, execution site descriptions, and vehicle movement patterns from witnesses allow Khthon to narrow satellite search areas in dense terrain where direct optical detection is insufficient. Each account is logged with its source, date, and corroboration status, so findings can be traced back to where they came from rather than presented as unattributed claims.
03 · ACCOUNTABILITY
What Sets Khthon Apart
Most mass grave documentation in the DRC is produced by NGOs with limited forensic rigour or by UN experts with restricted access. Khthon operates at the intersection: applying forensic anthropology standards and Berkeley Protocol-compliant OSINT methodology to build records intended to hold up to future scrutiny. In a jurisdiction where perpetrators cross borders and political obstacles slow ICC processes, independently verified geospatial records may be the only durable evidence that survives.
Justice and Accountability
Despite decades of documented atrocities — mass killings, systematic rape, recruitment of children, and attacks on civilians — meaningful accountability in the DRC remains elusive. The ICC and other mechanisms have delivered only limited results.
The ICC has been active in the DRC since 2004 — its first-ever investigations. Key convictions include Thomas Lubanga (2012, child soldier recruitment), Germain Katanga (2014), and Bosco Ntaganda ("The Terminator," convicted 2019 on war crimes and crimes against humanity). However, many high-level figures from multiple conflicts — 1990s through the present — have faced no warrants or prosecutions. Sultani Makenga and other M23 commanders remain under scrutiny, but as of mid-2026, no new public ICC warrants specifically targeting current M23 leadership for the latest wave of eastern atrocities — including the Kishishe mass graves and widespread sexual violence — have been issued.
The ICC has jurisdiction over crimes committed in the DRC because the DRC is a State Party to the Rome Statute — it ratified in 2002. This means the ICC can investigate and prosecute genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes committed on Congolese territory, regardless of the nationality of the perpetrator. In principle, this covers Rwandan soldiers and commanders operating on DRC soil.
In practice, jurisdiction does not equal prosecution. ICC investigations require cooperation from states — evidence, witnesses, and custody of suspects. Rwanda denies any troop presence and refuses cooperation. Alleged perpetrators who operate from Rwandan territory are shielded by a non-member state that maintains tight control over its own narrative. The ICC cannot compel non-member states to extradite suspects, and it lacks enforcement power of its own. Several mid-level M23 commanders benefit from patronage networks, enjoy protection of neighbouring states, or operate under amnesties included in past peace deals.
This is not a flaw unique to the DRC — it is the structural limitation of international criminal law. Jurisdiction on paper does not translate to jurisdiction in practice without political will, state cooperation, and physical access to suspects and evidence. Khthon's forensic documentation is designed precisely to bridge this gap: building durable, independently verifiable evidentiary records that can be presented to any competent tribunal — ICC, hybrid court, or future accountability mechanism — whenever political conditions shift.
UN Group of Experts reports, MONUSCO investigations, and Human Rights Watch / Amnesty International fieldwork have repeatedly documented M23 abuses, including summary executions, rape as a weapon of war, and mass graves in areas like Kishishe. Satellite imagery, witness testimonies, and forensic indicators point to systematic crimes. The UN has highlighted Rwandan military support — troops, weapons, command — as enabling these violations.
Why has the DRC not seen the same level of remediation as Rwanda? Rwanda rebuilt strong institutions post-genocide, pursued domestic Gacaca courts, and secured significant international support. The DRC suffers from chronic state weakness, vast geography, fragmented armed groups (over 100 militias), and repeated cycles of conflict that prevent stable justice institutions. Corruption, lack of capacity, and political interference hinder domestic prosecutions. Rwanda is a smaller, more cohesive state with influential diaspora and Western partnerships; the DRC's mineral wealth invites exploitation that actively complicates accountability.
The path forward requires strengthened independent forensic documentation — core to Khthon's mission — combined with hybrid tribunals, targeted sanctions on commanders and financiers, and survivor-centred approaches including reparations and psychosocial support. Without accountability for past and present crimes, from Leopold's era through today's M23 operations, cycles of violence will continue.
1885–1908
Congo Free State — Leopold II's personal colony
King Leopold II of Belgium acquires the Congo as a personal colony at the Berlin Conference. Brutal forced labour for rubber and ivory extraction — enforced by mutilation and mass killing — leads to an estimated 10 million deaths through violence, famine, and disease. This foundational extraction economy, operating entirely outside any accountability framework, establishes patterns of exploitation and impunity that persist across subsequent eras. The DRC's crises are not random: they stem from a deliberate colonial architecture designed to extract without investment or justice.
1908–1960
Belgian Congo — systemic racial discrimination and extraction
Following international scandal over Leopold's atrocities, Belgium annexes the Congo. Resource extraction continues under state control, with systemic racial discrimination codified in law. Infrastructure investment serves extraction routes; education and political participation for Congolese are severely restricted. Independence arrives in 1960 as a chaotic transition — Cold War interference, the assassination of Prime Minister Patrice Lumumba (backed by Belgium and the CIA), and the immediate fragmentation of state authority create lasting instability.
1965–1997
Mobutu era — kleptocracy, disappearances, and the renamed Zaire
Mobutu Sese Seko seizes power and renames the country Zaire, ruling for three decades through kleptocracy, political violence, and Western Cold War support. Political opponents, journalists, and ethnic minorities are subjected to systematic arrest, torture, and extrajudicial execution. The regime's security services maintain networks of detention facilities from which bodies are routinely disposed of without record. Mass graves from this period, particularly around Kinshasa and the Katanga mining belt, remain poorly documented. The 1994 Rwandan genocide sends shockwaves into the region — an estimated 1.2 million Hutu refugees flood into eastern Zaire, including génocidaires, laying the groundwork for decades of subsequent conflict.
1996–1997
First Congo War — fall of Mobutu
Laurent-Désiré Kabila's AFDL, backed by Rwanda and Uganda, sweeps across Zaire in nine months, toppling Mobutu and renaming the country the DRC. Massacres of Rwandan Hutu civilians and refugees accompany the advance. The UN Mapping Report later documents over 600 violent incidents during this period, many involving mass killing of non-combatants. Graves are concentrated along supply routes and near former refugee camp locations. Rwandan Tutsi-led forces pursue génocidaires into the camps, killing tens of thousands in what the UN later characterises as possible acts of genocide.
1998–2003
Second Congo War — the world's deadliest conflict since 1945
The Second Congo War draws in nine African nations and over twenty armed factions. An estimated 5.4 million people die — predominantly from disease and famine caused by displacement. Direct massacres occur across the east: the Ituri conflict sees Hema and Lendu militias commit ethnic massacres; the Makobola massacre in South Kivu kills 500–800 civilians in a single night. Mass graves cluster around resource extraction sites and along river transport routes. The war ends formally in 2003 but never truly ends in the east.
2004–2012
Post-war instability — CNDP, FDLR, and mining violence
Despite peace agreements, eastern DRC remains in perpetual conflict. The CNDP (later absorbed into the FARDC), FDLR Rwandan Hutu forces, and Mai-Mai militias all commit atrocities. Mining concessions become epicentres of violence as armed groups compete for control of coltan, gold, and tin. The ICC opens investigations — its first-ever — and begins building cases that will eventually result in convictions of Lubanga (2012), Katanga (2014), and Ntaganda (2019). MONUSCO peacekeeping forces are deployed but lack a proactive protection mandate.
2012–2013
M23 founded — first capture of Goma
Dissatisfaction with the March 23, 2009 peace agreement prompts CNDP fighters integrated into the FARDC to mutiny under Sultani Makenga. M23 rapidly seizes territory in North Kivu and captures Goma in November 2012 — a major city of over a million people. UN Group of Experts reports document direct Rwandan military support. M23 is defeated by late 2013 following international pressure on Rwanda and improved FARDC performance. Makenga surrenders and is reportedly placed under house arrest in Rwanda.
2016–2017
Kasai massacres — UN experts document 40+ grave sites
The Congolese military's campaign against the Kamuina Nsapu militia in the Kasai region produces mass killings of civilians. UN experts document over 40 mass grave sites — one of the most significant grave documentation exercises in DRC history. Two UN investigators, Zaida Catalán and Michael Sharp, are killed while documenting the sites — a stark demonstration of the life-threatening risks of field investigation in the DRC. The Kasai crisis shows both the evidentiary potential of combined satellite and ground documentation and the severe access challenges that make independent forensic work like Khthon's indispensable.
2021–Present
M23 resurgence — Rwanda-backed offensive, Kishishe mass graves
M23 resumes military operations in North Kivu, rapidly expanding its territorial control. By 2022–2023 the group controls significant territory around Goma. The Kishishe massacre — in which M23 fighters killed at least 131 civilians in November 2022 — is documented by OHCHR and corroborated by satellite imagery and survivor testimony. Mass graves near M23 control lines show fresh soil disturbance consistent with mechanized burial. As of mid-2026, no ICC warrants have been issued for current M23 leadership for these crimes. Sultani Makenga is reported to be actively commanding operations.
2026
Ebola Bundibugyo strain confirmed — DRC and Uganda
A new Bundibugyo strain of Ebola is confirmed in the DRC and Uganda, adding a disease emergency to an already acute humanitarian crisis. The outbreak compounds ongoing displacement caused by M23 operations in North Kivu, restricts aid delivery, and strains a health system with fewer than 10,000 doctors nationwide. Conflict, displacement, and Ebola create compounding feedback loops that humanitarian actors struggle to address without security guarantees.
Ongoing
Khthon — forensic documentation where others cannot go
Khthon applies SOCMINT and HUMINT to cue satellite analysis in dense canopy environments where optical detection alone is insufficient. Straight-line cuts, mining road spurs, and military-adjacent earthworks are prioritised search targets. Unlike journalistic or NGO documentation, Khthon's records are produced to Berkeley Protocol and forensic anthropology standards, built to hold up whenever political conditions allow prosecution to proceed. In a jurisdiction defined by perpetrators who cross borders, operate under state protection, and benefit from evidentiary gaps, Khthon's work ensures the forensic record outlasts the impunity.
Browse Khthon's full catalogue of country and case reports across seven global regions, or get involved with our ongoing investigations.
